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Nairobi, Kenya
I an ex member of both 7 and 8 Squadron's of the Rhodesian war spending most of my operational time on Seven Squadron as a K Car gunner. I was credited for shooting down a fixed wing aircraft from a K Car on the 9 August 1979. This blog is from articles for research on a book which I HAVE HANDED THIS MANUSCRIPT OVER TO MIMI CAWOOD WHO WILL BE HANDLING THE PUBLICATION OF THE BOOK OF WHICH THERE WILL BE VERY LIMITED COPIES AVAILABLE Contact her on yebomimi@gmail.com The latest news is that the Editing is now done and we can expect to start sales and deliveries by the end of April 2011

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Sunday, August 17, 2008


April 2, 1925 - March 22, 2006

Firebrand revolutionary who was a catalyst in the transformation of Rhodesia
into Zimbabwe

When the 30-year-old James Chikerema addressed onlookers in the rough
recreational halls in Salisbury's townships in 1955, he shocked them not
only with his incendiary delivery, but also with his use of an expression
they had never heard before: "one man, one vote". He was the prototype
firebrand militant in post-Second World War Rhodesia where black political
leaders had never asked for more than better pay, the right to stand in the
same queue as whites in the post office and to be able to buy alcohol. Rule
by the white man was regarded as unquestionable, and black politicians
wanted only to be governed well by administrators they routinely addressed
as "our fathers". Chikerema was the first of a generation of African
revolutionaries to articulate the notion of black majority rule in Rhodesia,
and was the catalyst that launched nearly two decades of civil unrest and
seven years of guerrilla war that ended with the independence of the state
of Zimbabwe in 1980.

Uniquely, he lacked the blinding ambition for absolute leadership that has
littered postcolonial Africa with failed states controlled by unbalanced
despots - including his cousin, Robert Mugabe. Chikerema was committed to
"the struggle" and had a rare willingness to play second fiddle to political
leaders he believed were more able than him. To whites, he was a dangerous,
offensive, inflammatory rabble-rouser. His surname means "scoundrel" in
Shona. The rangy, bearded, pipesmoking troublemaker with his jackal-pelt cap
inspired black Rhodesians with his effrontery to white administrators.
Chikerema was non-conformist, non-doctrinaire and cared little what others
thought of his utterances. His apparently unreconcilable political
methodologies were exemplified by the two cheap copper plaques fixed to the
mantelpiece of the fireplace in his ample, run-down Harare home - a model of
an AK47 rifle next to the emblem of Tiny Rowland's Lonrho corporation. His
independence and affable frankness eventually had him sidelined from major
office as the nationalist movement grew into a government. Before and after
independence he was a dabbler in lost causes, surviving on the patronage of
Rowland, who bankrolled most of Zimbabwe's senior black politicians.

James Robert Dambaza Chikerema was born in 1925 at the Kutama Mission in an
African reserve, about 50 miles west of Salisbury, where his father taught
at the school under the severity of the Catholic Marist Brothers. He and
Mugabe were fellow students. They herded the family's cattle together, but
Chikerama had little in common with his aloof relative. After primary school
he went to St Francis College at Mariannhill in Natal, South Africa, one of
a handful of educational institutions in southern Africa open to blacks.
Chikerema quickly absorbed the political atmosphere of the upper forms and
was an adherent of the African National Congress by the time he left for
Cape Town, where he worked as a waiter by day and attended night classes in
history and English. He came into contact with Nelson Mandela, Walter Sisulu
and other established ANC activists, whose focus was on the agitations of
Kwame Nkrumah in the Gold Coast (now Ghana) and Jomo Kenyatta in Kenya.
Chikerema joined the banned South African Communist Party and organised
protests with other black Rhodesians against plans to unite Southern and
Northern Rhodesia in a federation. Inevitably, the South African security
police came for him but did not recognise the African foreigner when they
turned up at his lodgings to arrest him. They asked him if he had seen James
Chikerema. "He just left," said the fugitive who immediately fled back to

A job as chief clerk in a factory outside Salisbury ended after he organised
a strike, and he turned to selling insurance, and circulated with a group of
young radicals, most of whom had also just returned from other parts of
Africa with the stirrings of black nationalism. In 1955 Chikerema and his
friends founded the City Youth League in Salisbury and launched themselves
on to the quiescent townships. They clamoured for universal suffrage and
fulminated against the white man's laws. A year later the Youth League was
formalised with Chikerema as its president. They raised their campaign with
protests and civil disobedience, particularly against the Land Husbandry Act
which they believed would force Africans out of their traditional rural
homes. Later in the year, authorities raised bus fares in Salisbury, and
Chikerema organised a bus boycott. The roads were thronged by thousands of
blacks, watched by uneasy policemen, as they walked the six miles from their
townships into town. Youths stoned a bus that tried to defy the boycott.
That night the townships erupted in violence and mobs went on the rampage.

Troops and reservists were called out to quash the commotion. The British
governor, Sir Peveril William-Powlett, declared a state of emergency. But
radical black nationalism had slapped the face of white authority and shown
its efficacy. The bus fare increase was dropped. The Youth League escalated
its offensive. Rallies were held in townships every Sunday with exultant
support, while police wrote down every word of Chikerema's speeches,
arresting him whenever his tirades were judged seditious. Chikerema realised
the impetus of support was enough now to carry the campaign out of Salisbury
and across the country, but did not believe he had the prestige and dignity
for a national leader. After a few failed approaches, Joshua Nkomo, a social
welfare officer in the railways, was recruited. In 1957 the Southern
Rhodesian African National Congress was launched in Salisbury. September 12
was deliberately chosen because it was Pioneer Day, commemorating the
arrival of the first white pioneers in 1890. Nkomo, an Ndebele, was
president, and the Shona Chikerema his deputy, representing a balance
between the two tribal groups.

Their manifesto was simply to secure the swift transfer of power to the
African majority. They swept into Rhodesia's countryside, urging people to
flout the law, and organised boycotts and worked to undermine the authority
of white native commissioners who controlled the tribal areas. Chikerema was
accused of slandering the Minister of Native Affairs, Sir Patrick Fletcher,
by calling him "a thief". Chikerema's claim that he had said "chief" was not
accepted by the magistrate who fined him the immense sum then of £100. The
unrest stirred up by Nkomo and Chikerema in 1959 brought another state of
emergency, from Edgar Whitehead, the Prime Minister. Chikerema was among the
first victims of new repressive laws of detention without trial. He was
released in 1963 to find the SRANC had been banned. Its latest incarnation,
the Zimbabwe African People's Union (Zapu), was splitting into two tribally
based factions, one led by the Ndebele-speaking Nkomo and a Shona group
called the Zimbabwe African National Union (Zanu), of which Mugabe was one
of its most provocative officials.

Violence erupted, mostly in Salisbury's townships as the two factions went
to war with firebombs, stones, cudgels and spears. In 1964 the Government of
Winston Field rounded up almost the entire ranking membership of the African
nationalist movement, running into thousands and including Nkomo and Mugabe,
and put them away in prisons and remote restriction camps. Chikerema and a
few others were able to flee and Rhodesia's townships were relatively calm
for the next ten years. Chikerema remained loyal to Nkomo. He set up a Zapu
headquarters-in-exile in Dar es Salaam but angered President Nyerere of
Tanzania when he promised in 1965 "a reign of terror" against whites in
Rhodesia if Ian Smith's new Government carried out its threat to declare
independence unilaterally. The Zapu offices were moved to Lusaka, the
Zambian capital, where Chikerema was part of a "war council" to prepare for
the battle for Rhodesia. As a military strategist, he was a failure. The few
guerrilla groups Zapu dispatched into Rhodesia were almost all caught not
long after they crossed the border. He also got into trouble with President
Kaunda of Zambia for taking a BBC television crew around a Zapu guerrilla
training camp.

By 1971 Chikerema had lost influence in the exiled Zapu leadership and, with
a few other disaffected black nationalists, founded the Front for the
Liberation of Zimbabwe (Frolizi), to unite the guerrillas of Zapu and Zanu
into a single army. That too failed. He attended the first talks between
Smith and senior representatives of all the black nationalist groups on a
train on the middle of the bridge over the Victoria Falls, on the
Zambia-Rhodesia border. The talks ended in failure. Chikerema's hopes for a
military role faded in 1975 when the men in the largest guerrilla camp, in
Mgagao, Tanzania, signed a document of no confidence in him, and declared
their loyalty to Mugabe. He returned to Rhodesia and joined the "internal
settlement" between Smith and Bishop Abel Muzorewa that in 1979 won him a
Cabinet post in Muzorewa's ten-month rule. Frustrated with Muzorewa's poor
leadership, he joined a group of rebel parliamentarians to form the Zimbabwe
Democratic Party. It was only a few months before it was overtaken by the
Lancaster House agreement in December 1979 that bore independence in April
1980. He all but disappeared from the political scene thereafter, working
for Lonrho, making one last, unsuccessful stab in an election in 1995 for
the shortlived Forum Party, and he spent the rest of his time as something
of a gentleman farmer on a property he bought near his home at Kutama.
Shortly after Mugabe mounted his seizure of white-owned land in 2000, he
also had Chikerema's listed for seizure. "It's a punishment," said
Chikerema. "Because I stood against him and have never been a member of his
party." He died in Indianapolis in the US where he had gone for medical
treatment. He leaves his wife, Philda, and seven children.

James Chikerema, political activist, was born on April 2, 1925. He died on
March 22, 2006, aged 80


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I welcome comments from everyone on my book Choppertech.
I am interested especially on hearing from former ZANLA and ZIPRA combatants who also have thier story to tell.